Any Credit ranking Crisis these days In reality Best news

Mainly because North American politicians together with the rest of the society ‘leader’ affordable regarding all four limbs together with barks the fact that substantial governing administration is certainly some of our savior [blessed be the prophet Obama]; could possibly consciously that will tell you that the so-called ‘credit crunch’ is generally related to unsecured debt, credit ranking, control about life-and more than some of our collective means. During the dash off to conserve any joining, the provider popular, nationalized champions, abundant Structure Path broking service, and are generally powering any mercy for substantial governing administration ‘help’, we must attention any safety measures for Churchill what person at one time says, “We has to be attentive planning to form a network the place not a soul matters meant for a single thing except for a good politician or simply an official, a good modern culture the place undertaking acquires hardly any compensation together with thrift hardly any privileges “. Truly. A good modern culture the place there isn’t associated risk, there isn’t meaning hazard together with in due course hardly any unique job is certainly an individual possibly not price residing.

 

Churchill’s was a laissez faire orthodox liberal a man who rightly believed that capitalism might share wealth unequally, but that socialism would share miseries equitably. Life is inherently unfair. There isn’t justness from a man’s simple earthly daily life, except for leading to laws, business opportunities together with outlook for compensation meant for really hard, shrewd or simply grateful that will quite possibly try out. You cannot mingle possibility for daily life, or simply an unjust individuality.

 

 

If ever higher than both said not develop sufficient administrative instance the EU-topia, or just BushBama anytime Keynesianism development will not come to feel substantially. TGovernment does not produce anything, it can only take. When BushBama announces that $5 Trillion of new debt and printed money will be used to ‘jump start’ the economy, they are lying. The $ 5 Trillion of unsecured debt in order to get paid back by the task just great and also deprivation to regulate the administration of the sales revenue. If you want to trigger any market, you’ll probably do this in particular: April contains decreased but not completely free; guarantee business loan provider but does not blend any savings market; slash duties; stick to even more markets; cut rules together with the existing well come together with the obvious; together with would make it criminal to your provider is about to pay for any regulator. You will not save the provider for correlation; nationalized favored champion or just a loan provider.

You simply will not save you the provider for correlation; preferred nationalized champions or simply loan provider.

 

Any elixir within the disaster clearly there was a guarantee for construction together with construction pay for socialization around 70 yrs. unsecured debt together with credit ranking generated due to lousy credit ranking. On top of this loony program socialization for construction you’ll find credit card together with credit lines together with other different types of personal debt. Credit card started in 1950 by just Loan provider for American. Credit lines taken related to 20 years subsequently. This shop for these days, pay off subsequently together with necessary the windshield wonder meant for resulting in center elegance needs. Assist the fact that in time you unsecured debt that will 120% for gross annual net income, consequently any short term diminished money lead to default together with insolvency.

China plus ASEAN plus FTA equals East Asian Unification? Not Quite Part II

As discussed in Part I of this series, the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) will be a win-win for the signatories. The agreement will produce greater economies of scales, as it expands trade between members, which will result in an aggregate increase in competitive export products from China and ASEAN. However, it will not foreshadow European-style regional integration, at least not in the near future. The centrifugal force generated by the agreement will not only draw ASEAN closer to China, the regions manufacturing hub, but it will push those states outside the bloc to liberalize their own trade in order to stay competitive. While the United States is generally supportive of ASEAN, it is not in the strategic interest of the U.S. for it to be outside of an Asian economic bloc, especially one that will aid in cementing a strong Chinese leadership position in Southeast Asia. Implementation of this agreement has increased concerns among some analysts that the economic and perhaps, the political center of gravity of the region are shifting away from the United States and toward China.

Over the last 10 years, Southeast Asia has received approximately US$90 billion in U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI); it is the third largest market for U.S. exports; and U.S.-ASEAN trade is over US$140 billion (Pitsuwan 2008). Southeast Asia is flush with agricultural and natural resources, and is home to more than half of the world’s annual merchant shipping traffic. Intraregional trade between ASEAN nations still hovers at 25% and in East Asia, it now verges on 55% (Pitsuwan 2008). Over 80% of Japanese and Chinese oil imports travel through these sea-lanes. The geopolitical reality is that due to proximity and economic clout, China’s access to this region will increase. This could not only be detrimental to America’s economic interests, but also represent a strategic threat.

It is in America and ASEANs best interest for the U.S. to not only promote further ASEAN integration, but also establish stronger ties with the region. This will enable ASEAN to serve as a fulcrum between China (and India). America must also realize that China’s increasing penetration into Southeast Asia is not a zero-sum game; the U.S. must be prepared to have a constructive working relationship with China in the region. If the America hopes to balance China’s growing influence it will need a rapprochement with ASEAN that displays a cohesive policy for the organization, but at the same time exploit the diversity of opinion within ASEAN. This will allow the U.S. to advance its policy goals in the region.

China

Over the last decade, China’s resurgent role in Southeast Asia has moved from a situation that generated fear in the region, to one where China is seen as a benign regional leader that plays a constructive role in creating opportunity. China has worked hard to market this image while participating in regional institutions. Its long-term goals are to create greater interdependencies between itself and Southeast Asia through economic incentives, which will give ASEAN a strong stake in China’s success. In this way, ASEAN can serve as insurance against possible U.S., Japanese, Indian containment in the South China Sea and Indian Ocean. At the same time, Beijing hopes it can simultaneously reduce the influence of the United States in the South China Sea.

China is increasing its political reach in the region through a series of strong bilateral ties with ASEAN member-states. These links include increased cooperation in regional security (including providing military training), scholarships, and helping to facilitate conflict resolution in the region. China has also promised over US$10 billion in infrastructure, energy, and cultural programs between the countries. China has especially provided special assistance to the lesser developed states of Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar.

During the 1997 Asian financial Crisis, America did not provide significant leadership, which left room for China advance itself as a regional leader, often at the expense of Japan. China promised not to devalue its currency, the Renminbi, which helped return stability to the markets, a move much praised in the region. Tokyo worked to provide a competitive framework for an Asian Monetary fund, in an effort to engender long-term stability. Washington repeatedly blocked this endeavor, out of fear it would be froze-out by a potential Asian bloc. Japan and China are still pushing their competing ideas of a greater-East Asia economic sphere, but the main difference between the two nations is that Japan wishes to include Australia, New Zealand, and India in an attempt to minimize the influence of China. Obviously, China is not interested in having none ASEAN and East Asian nations involved.

The idea for an Asian Monetary Fund did not die. In February 2008, the ASEAN+3 forum in Thailand agreed to expand bilateral currency swaps and also enlarge the Chiang Mai Initiative reserve fund in order to enhance regional economic stability in the wake of the current global financial crisis. This goal has prompted ASEAN+3, in coordination with the Asian Development Bank (ADB), to develop an Asian Currency Unit (ACU) as part of a comprehensive Asian Monetary Fund. China has promoted the idea, which has gained wide regional support. China championing this effort appears surprising considering past objections; however, Beijing is supportive of the ACU because it is now able to take a greater leadership role in its management than Japan, whereas it was not in a position to do so 10 years earlier. Although meant to be non-tradable, the ACU would be an indicator of the stability of participating currencies in the region, an Asian version of the European Currency Unit, which was the precursor to the Euro. Due to the wide variance in levels of economic development, the sophistication of financial transfer systems, and the levels of nationalism in the Pacific Rim, a single currency for the region is still unlikely.

What ASEAN Needs

Western analyst had long criticized and even dismissed ASEAN; the common narrative characterized the organization as soft on human rights and democracy, and therefore incapable of taking decisive and constructive action concerning regional issues that were important to the West. Some pasts areas of conflict involved human rights in Myanmar and East Timor, as well as issues of democracy in key members states like Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Part of the problem is that Western observers have not tended to judge ASEAN on its own merit, but instead, based on how it compares to the contemporary European Union (EU). As a result, ASEAN has never been fully respected by the United States.

For their part, not all ASEAN members have been eager to see a stronger American presence in the region. In the 1990’s, former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad called for a greater East Asian forum, which would exclude the U.S., Australia, and New Zealand. Many in the region termed this the “caucus without Caucasians”, something Washington successfully nixed, but to only see it rebooted a decade later as ASEAN+3.

At the time, the exclusion of Western nations reflected the regional vogue of “Asian Values”, an ideology trumpeted by Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, along with some political thinkers in Japan. Those who adhered to this ideology espoused that all Asians share distinctive cultural traits that make them fundamentally different from Westerners; therefore, Western political and social norms were not entirely appropriate for Asian societies. Some of these shared Asian values are a preference for social harmony, government paternalism, collectivism over the rights of individuals, respect toward authority, and a greater concern for socio-economic stability over human rights.

By the turn of the century, deeply pragmatic ASEAN states came to the realization that it was impossible to push Western powers out of the region, so it began what was termed, “constructive engagement” with all of them. Under this policy, ASEAN intends to hedge its relationship with the larger powers (China, India, America, and Australia) as an intermediary, reaping the benefits for its member states. Singapore Minister of Foreign Affairs George Yeo, speaking for ASEAN to the press in November 2007, described the importance of America to Southeast Asia: “In short, no major strategic issue in Asia can be resolved without the active participation of the U.S” (Marciel 2008).

America’s Next Move

In the aftermath of 9-11, the bulk of Washington’s foreign policy capacity was consumed by wars in the Middle East and Central Asia. Major initiatives in Southeast Asia fell by the wayside as the primary focus moved to counterterrorism and other security concerns. Even when America’s focus broadened beyond the “War on Terror” into issues of trade, its approach was often ineffectual. The U.S. cannot afford to squander another decade in the region teetering between security issues and weak trade.

The 2005, Joint Vision Statement on the ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership was not enough to secure America’s future in Southeast Asia; Washington needs to define, create, and utilize more avenues of regular dialogue between itself and ASEAN. Although the U.S. and ASEAN have enjoyed relations for 30 years, no regular annual summits have ever been established. Shoring up the 21-member Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) is a good place to begin, but it should only be a pass-through for more specialized U.S.-ASEAN talks. The current lack of contact hurts America’s ability to focus its attention on ASEAN states. The U.S. should encourage East/Southeast Asian integration, because it will help to socialize and constrain provocative movements by China. It may also encourage American investors to do greater business in the region, as the various types of independent national laws and regulations are streamlined. Nevertheless, America should also exploit areas of friction between ASEAN and China, as well as the lack of cohesion within ASEAN.

Although China has achieved strong ties with certain members of ASEAN, many nations in the region, such as Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam still maintain a healthy fear of Chinese hegemony and anti-Chinese sentiment in their populations has not yet abated. There have been complaints, by some ASEAN members, that China pushed bilateral FTA negotiations to isolate nations that were not very pro-China, such as Malaysia and Vietnam. Southeast Asian diplomats have also grumbled that China’s influence has hindered consensus building within ASEAN as member nations try to gage Beijing’s potential reaction.

The U.S. has also not closely engaged China-friendly states, such as Myanmar and Cambodia. This is especially true in the case of Myanmar due to human rights concerns, which have resulted in embargoes that have resulted in little political change. The U.S. needs a more pragmatic approach. These nations would be very receptive to American competition for their attention.

The United States and Japan remain the largest investors in the region and the largest ASEAN export receivers. China is not close to eclipsing the U.S. in hard power projection and America is still the largest source of popular culture. With respect to trade, some ASEAN members are not pleased that Early Harvest has allowed China to compete in raw materials, agricultural products, and minerals it did not produce, whereas China will eventually have lower tariff free access to manufacturing markets that ASEAN and Chinese firms were already competing in.

The U.S. has much more work to do on the free trade front. Thus far, America has only one FTA completed agreements, in the nearly 15 years since the U.S. initiated its first Asia-Pacific TIFA, with Singapore in 1991. There are stalled negotiations for FTAs with Thailand and Malaysia, and the Philippines and Indonesia have expressed interest in FTAs. Besides FTAs, policymakers have other eco­nomically significant agreements available, including the expansion of trade and investment framework agree­ments (TIFA) and open skies agreements (OSA). A TIFA is a consultative mechanism for the United States to discuss trade issues, and an OSA creates free markets for aviation services. America has TIFAs with ASEAN, but TIFAs and OSAs have been severely underutilized. Unlike China, the U.S. should work as multilateral as possible with ASEAN to avoid the negative effects of export diversion and encourage ASEAN unity.

Long term, the U.S. could do more in advancing the scope of FTAs and OSAs in Asia. A region-wide agreement would better reduce regional trade barriers, increase U.S.-ASEAN trade, and advance American security interests. The U.S. must stop blocking Japan’s attempts to project a competing vision of Asian unity, because it has not worked. The only result is Japan losing influence to China, which is not in Japan or America’s national interests. Instead, Washington can work with Japan to promote shared interests inside the ASEAN+3 framework, where Japan can serve as a U.S. proxy on specific issues critical to both nations. This would be a similar relationship to what the U.S. enjoys with Britain with respect to the European Union. Currently, Northeast Asia’s economic heavyweights are the world’s last remaining region that lacks an inter-governmental trade bloc, such as ASEAN. The U.S. does not want to find itself outside such a teaming, so it should be working with Japan to create one that is more inclusive. Even if FTAs are not politically feasible, the US should focus on TIFAs for high priority areas of interest.

Lastly, the U.S. should do what it must to gain Japan’s assistance in fighting any attempts for an tradable ACU, because that could limit U.S. government’s ability to finance its larger budget deficits at relatively low interest.

Notes:

As discussed in Part I of this series, the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) will be a win-win for the signatories. The agreement will produce greater economies of scales, as it expands trade between members, which will result in an aggregate increase in competitive export products from China and ASEAN. However, it will not foreshadow European-style regional integration, at least not in the near future. The centrifugal force generated by the agreement will not only draw ASEAN closer to China, the regions manufacturing hub, but it will push those states outside the bloc to liberalize their own trade in order to stay competitive. While the United States is generally supportive of ASEAN, it is not in the strategic interest of the U.S. for it to be outside of an Asian economic bloc, especially one that will aid in cementing a strong Chinese leadership position in Southeast Asia. Implementation of this agreement has increased concerns among some analysts that the economic and perhaps, the political center of gravity of the region are shifting away from the United States and toward China.

Over the last 10 years, Southeast Asia has received approximately US$90 billion in U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI); it is the third largest market for U.S. exports; and U.S.-ASEAN trade is over US$140 billion (Pitsuwan 2008). Southeast Asia is flush with agricultural and natural resources, and is home to more than half of the world’s annual merchant shipping traffic. Intraregional trade between ASEAN nations still hovers at 25% and in East Asia, it now verges on 55% (Pitsuwan 2008). Over 80% of Japanese and Chinese oil imports travel through these sea-lanes. The geopolitical reality is that due to proximity and economic clout, China’s access to this region will increase. This could not only be detrimental to America’s economic interests, but also represent a strategic threat.

It is in America and ASEANs best interest for the U.S. to not only promote further ASEAN integration, but also establish stronger ties with the region. This will enable ASEAN to serve as a fulcrum between China (and India). America must also realize that China’s increasing penetration into Southeast Asia is not a zero-sum game; the U.S. must be prepared to have a constructive working relationship with China in the region. If the America hopes to balance China’s growing influence it will need a rapprochement with ASEAN that displays a cohesive policy for the organization, but at the same time exploit the diversity of opinion within ASEAN. This will allow the U.S. to advance its policy goals in the region.

China

Over the last decade, China’s resurgent role in Southeast Asia has moved from a situation that generated fear in the region, to one where China is seen as a benign regional leader that plays a constructive role in creating opportunity. China has worked hard to market this image while participating in regional institutions. Its long-term goals are to create greater interdependencies between itself and Southeast Asia through economic incentives, which will give ASEAN a strong stake in China’s success. In this way, ASEAN can serve as insurance against possible U.S., Japanese, Indian containment in the South China Sea and Indian Ocean. At the same time, Beijing hopes it can simultaneously reduce the influence of the United States in the South China Sea.

China is increasing its political reach in the region through a series of strong bilateral ties with ASEAN member-states. These links include increased cooperation in regional security (including providing military training), scholarships, and helping to facilitate conflict resolution in the region. China has also promised over US$10 billion in infrastructure, energy, and cultural programs between the countries. China has especially provided special assistance to the lesser developed states of Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar.

During the 1997 Asian financial Crisis, America did not provide significant leadership, which left room for China advance itself as a regional leader, often at the expense of Japan. China promised not to devalue its currency, the Renminbi, which helped return stability to the markets, a move much praised in the region. Tokyo worked to provide a competitive framework for an Asian Monetary fund, in an effort to engender long-term stability. Washington repeatedly blocked this endeavor, out of fear it would be froze-out by a potential Asian bloc. Japan and China are still pushing their competing ideas of a greater-East Asia economic sphere, but the main difference between the two nations is that Japan wishes to include Australia, New Zealand, and India in an attempt to minimize the influence of China. Obviously, China is not interested in having none ASEAN and East Asian nations involved.

The idea for an Asian Monetary Fund did not die. In February 2008, the ASEAN+3 forum in Thailand agreed to expand bilateral currency swaps and also enlarge the Chiang Mai Initiative reserve fund in order to enhance regional economic stability in the wake of the current global financial crisis. This goal has prompted ASEAN+3, in coordination with the Asian Development Bank (ADB), to develop an Asian Currency Unit (ACU) as part of a comprehensive Asian Monetary Fund. China has promoted the idea, which has gained wide regional support. China championing this effort appears surprising considering past objections; however, Beijing is supportive of the ACU because it is now able to take a greater leadership role in its management than Japan, whereas it was not in a position to do so 10 years earlier. Although meant to be non-tradable, the ACU would be an indicator of the stability of participating currencies in the region, an Asian version of the European Currency Unit, which was the precursor to the Euro. Due to the wide variance in levels of economic development, the sophistication of financial transfer systems, and the levels of nationalism in the Pacific Rim, a single currency for the region is still unlikely.

What ASEAN Needs

Western analyst had long criticized and even dismissed ASEAN; the common narrative characterized the organization as soft on human rights and democracy, and therefore incapable of taking decisive and constructive action concerning regional issues that were important to the West. Some pasts areas of conflict involved human rights in Myanmar and East Timor, as well as issues of democracy in key members states like Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Part of the problem is that Western observers have not tended to judge ASEAN on its own merit, but instead, based on how it compares to the contemporary European Union (EU). As a result, ASEAN has never been fully respected by the United States.

For their part, not all ASEAN members have been eager to see a stronger American presence in the region. In the 1990’s, former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad called for a greater East Asian forum, which would exclude the U.S., Australia, and New Zealand. Many in the region termed this the “caucus without Caucasians”, something Washington successfully nixed, but to only see it rebooted a decade later as ASEAN+3.

At the time, the exclusion of Western nations reflected the regional vogue of “Asian Values”, an ideology trumpeted by Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, along with some political thinkers in Japan. Those who adhered to this ideology espoused that all Asians share distinctive cultural traits that make them fundamentally different from Westerners; therefore, Western political and social norms were not entirely appropriate for Asian societies. Some of these shared Asian values are a preference for social harmony, government paternalism, collectivism over the rights of individuals, respect toward authority, and a greater concern for socio-economic stability over human rights.

By the turn of the century, deeply pragmatic ASEAN states came to the realization that it was impossible to push Western powers out of the region, so it began what was termed, “constructive engagement” with all of them. Under this policy, ASEAN intends to hedge its relationship with the larger powers (China, India, America, and Australia) as an intermediary, reaping the benefits for its member states. Singapore Minister of Foreign Affairs George Yeo, speaking for ASEAN to the press in November 2007, described the importance of America to Southeast Asia: “In short, no major strategic issue in Asia can be resolved without the active participation of the U.S” (Marciel 2008).

America’s Next Move

In the aftermath of 9-11, the bulk of Washington’s foreign policy capacity was consumed by wars in the Middle East and Central Asia. Major initiatives in Southeast Asia fell by the wayside as the primary focus moved to counterterrorism and other security concerns. Even when America’s focus broadened beyond the “War on Terror” into issues of trade, its approach was often ineffectual. The U.S. cannot afford to squander another decade in the region teetering between security issues and weak trade.

The 2005, Joint Vision Statement on the ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership was not enough to secure America’s future in Southeast Asia; Washington needs to define, create, and utilize more avenues of regular dialogue between itself and ASEAN. Although the U.S. and ASEAN have enjoyed relations for 30 years, no regular annual summits have ever been established. Shoring up the 21-member Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) is a good place to begin, but it should only be a pass-through for more specialized U.S.-ASEAN talks. The current lack of contact hurts America’s ability to focus its attention on ASEAN states. The U.S. should encourage East/Southeast Asian integration, because it will help to socialize and constrain provocative movements by China. It may also encourage American investors to do greater business in the region, as the various types of independent national laws and regulations are streamlined. Nevertheless, America should also exploit areas of friction between ASEAN and China, as well as the lack of cohesion within ASEAN.

Although China has achieved strong ties with certain members of ASEAN, many nations in the region, such as Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam still maintain a healthy fear of Chinese hegemony and anti-Chinese sentiment in their populations has not yet abated. There have been complaints, by some ASEAN members, that China pushed bilateral FTA negotiations to isolate nations that were not very pro-China, such as Malaysia and Vietnam. Southeast Asian diplomats have also grumbled that China’s influence has hindered consensus building within ASEAN as member nations try to gage Beijing’s potential reaction.

The U.S. has also not closely engaged China-friendly states, such as Myanmar and Cambodia. This is especially true in the case of Myanmar due to human rights concerns, which have resulted in embargoes that have resulted in little political change. The U.S. needs a more pragmatic approach. These nations would be very receptive to American competition for their attention.

The United States and Japan remain the largest investors in the region and the largest ASEAN export receivers. China is not close to eclipsing the U.S. in hard power projection and America is still the largest source of popular culture. With respect to trade, some ASEAN members are not pleased that Early Harvest has allowed China to compete in raw materials, agricultural products, and minerals it did not produce, whereas China will eventually have lower tariff free access to manufacturing markets that ASEAN and Chinese firms were already competing in.

The U.S. has much more work to do on the free trade front. Thus far, America has only one FTA completed agreements, in the nearly 15 years since the U.S. initiated its first Asia-Pacific TIFA, with Singapore in 1991. There are stalled negotiations for FTAs with Thailand and Malaysia, and the Philippines and Indonesia have expressed interest in FTAs. Besides FTAs, policymakers have other eco­nomically significant agreements available, including the expansion of trade and investment framework agree­ments (TIFA) and open skies agreements (OSA). A TIFA is a consultative mechanism for the United States to discuss trade issues, and an OSA creates free markets for aviation services. America has TIFAs with ASEAN, but TIFAs and OSAs have been severely underutilized. Unlike China, the U.S. should work as multilateral as possible with ASEAN to avoid the negative effects of export diversion and encourage ASEAN unity.

Long term, the U.S. could do more in advancing the scope of FTAs and OSAs in Asia. A region-wide agreement would better reduce regional trade barriers, increase U.S.-ASEAN trade, and advance American security interests. The U.S. must stop blocking Japan’s attempts to project a competing vision of Asian unity, because it has not worked. The only result is Japan losing influence to China, which is not in Japan or America’s national interests. Instead, Washington can work with Japan to promote shared interests inside the ASEAN+3 framework, where Japan can serve as a U.S. proxy on specific issues critical to both nations. This would be a similar relationship to what the U.S. enjoys with Britain with respect to the European Union. Currently, Northeast Asia’s economic heavyweights are the world’s last remaining region that lacks an inter-governmental trade bloc, such as ASEAN. The U.S. does not want to find itself outside such a teaming, so it should be working with Japan to create one that is more inclusive. Even if FTAs are not politically feasible, the US should focus on TIFAs for high priority areas of interest.

Lastly, the U.S. should do what it must to gain Japan’s assistance in fighting any attempts for an tradable ACU, because that could limit U.S. government’s ability to finance its larger budget deficits at relatively low interest.

Notes:

Pitsuwan, Surin. 2008. “Bolstering U.S.-ASEAN Cooperation”

Japan Times Online.

Marciel, Scot A. 2008. “Remarks to Center o Strategic International Studies Meeting

‘U.S. and Southeast Asia: Toward a Strategy for Enhanced Engagement'”

U.S. State Department.

Five Scenarios Depicting Government Policies As a Two-Edged Sword! (Part 1)

In these times of economic uncertainty, governments under a cowering atmosphere may develop the phobia of actuating policies and regulations in a desperate attempt to contain the situation. From a global perspective, the use of policies in the form of regulations and tax breaks to influence a country’s economic position has been rave about by some transformational leaders as a form of insurance for their economies even though in some cases it transcends the rules of the international trade game or globalization in the bigger context. Whichever policies are made in country, the fact remains that government policy in terms of reality is always a two-edged sword. Unfortunately, most in the world especially the capitalist countries are resentful of government regulations and policies. They see these policies as a threat to the progress of capitalism and also to their freedom. However, much as it appears to be a threat in some aspect, there are beneficiation dimensions when its economics of social cost and social benefits are evaluated. It is in the light of these fundamental truths that this article seeks to discuss the convolution surrounding the two-edged nature from the following scenarios and perspectives: national security versus international trade, nationalization versus de-nationalization, investors and consumer protection versus Innovation, monetary and fiscal policies versus Politics and finally environmental protection commitment versus Nash equilibrium.

Scenario 1 – National Security Vs International Trade: Interestingly, the trade-off between economic gains, national security and sovereignty presents a very dicey situation especially in this era of terrorism rise and threats of rising military prowess of certain countries. Thus, governments in some instances are eclipsed between national security defense and their policies governing international trade. A paradigm of the case is when a country incapacitated by financial crisis or debt is torn between fulfilling budget constraints and national security. Take the case of United States or United Kingdom. In this epoch of mounting budget deficit when United States or United Kingdom has to choose between buying warplanes or national defense equipments from a low-cost country such as China or Brazil as against securing such gadgets from manufacturers in the United States or the EU at a higher price. Obviously, these countries will pay the higher price of increased budget deficits if they decide to buy the planes from manufacturers on its own soil. Nevertheless, they gain because national security and sovereignty is protected. On the other hand, if these countries should buy the defense items from manufacturers in China or Brazil, there is reduced budget deficit but national security is threatened. Subsequently, the decision on the path to take will depend on the contribution margin of the cost to be incurred with respect to the budget deficit versus the highly valued national security. Strangely, the scenario of national security and trade is absurd when social cost and social benefit are assessed from the perspective of international trade in Arms. International trade in Arms which used to be antipathized is fast becoming an acceptable norm in globalization. The driving force being threat of invasion and some countries desire for military prowess. Over the years the world has witnessed Arms being sold openly by some developed and developing nations to other nations as part of international trade. Information also has it that technology is being sold secretly to nations to augment their military capability. The curiosity surrounding such esoteric trade in Arms becomes more stronger when the investors from one country choose to export technology to another country as part of selling services to the country or customers or partners in that country. Regrettably, trading in Arms and secret technology puts the national security of the seller country and recipient country all at risk. On one hand, the technological secrets of seller country may be exposed to the recipient (buyer) country. On the other hand and in the long term, the seller country may become a threat to the recipient country because of an inherent access to its security intelligence. Undoubtedly, the security of the world is being marred by sale in Arms and secret technology both of which implicitly associates with the much dreaded activity “terrorism”. In fact, the world cannot be a safe place until the esoteric sale in Arms and secret technology is constrained and strongly repudiated by United Nations prompting every nation to come clean on any nefarious trade in Arms and nuclear technology. People are of the view that such an agenda is too ambitious and inconceivable judging from the fact that some nations have resisted similar attempts by the UN in the past. Nations cryptically trading in nuclear technology tend to be the most perpetrators of this kind of trade. I am an advocate of nuclear technology application in nuclear reactors for production of energy for social beneficiation purposes and will always identify with governments policies that promote that. However, any policy that circumvents energy production for beneficiation but promotes usage for antagonistic purposes is absolutely unacceptable and deleterious. Enriching Uranium by centrifuging for production of nuclear bombs is detestable and the world must boldly speak against it. United States is doing well by speaking against it but it needs the massive support of the whole world to deal with this growing menace. It is possible those countries that fall into the domain of nuclear technology abusers may feel isolated because of UN sanctions against them. They will try to placate their anger by pursuing policies that might enrage the world. But the world should not be perturbed by such tendencies and must still maintain the sanctions. Some contend that sanctions are not working but I am of the view that sanctions backed by constructive criticism and dialogue will immobilize these autocratic regimes and bring their unpopular pursuits to an end. I also believe the spread of democracy will definitely catch up on the whole world and help eradicate the bad “nuts” in the system. Only time will prove this assertion right. We are the world and we must not let a few dictate our future and freedom. Freedom is a gift from God and we must enjoy it.

Generally, sale in Arms and technological secrets has made the world unsafe and implicitly exacerbated terrorism in the world. Additionally, international trade restrictions have broken down because of some nation’s policies of self-centeredness and indifference to safety and freedom of the world. Sadly, some nations policies of neo-colonialism or economic imperialism for solidification of their national security pose a threat not only to international trade but also to the spread of democracy in the world.

Scenario 2 – Nationalization Vs De-nationalization: Presently, there is the conglomerate effort by governments of some major economies to propagate global regulations for the financial markets and banks so as to prevent a repetition of the global financial meltdown. To some analyst this is called nationalization and an infringement on the current supposed de-nationalization existing in the capitalist economies. Again, on the pessimistic side of this issue are the analysts who see the predisposition by the leaders as protectionism and an inordinate desire to influence the economy to the detriment of market efficiency. They also see such tendencies as generally not resonating with stakeholders’ interest especially when the country concerned is of capitalistic proclivity. Howbeit, government regulations whether in financial, educational, health and industrial sectors suggest a form of influence of globalization and have several connotations associated with it. Unfortunately, in a period of economic uncertainty, governments may assume a desultory characteristic which makes them more susceptible to enforcement of regulations in educational, health, financial and even the industrial sectors. For example, the current administration of the United States governments and certain western countries are compelled to press for policies and regulations to control some salient sectors of the economy including financial and health center because of the current global economic uncertainty which has incapacitated a lot of families and made them liabilities on the government. It is true that times are hard and government will want to empathize with the masses by pressing for regulations. However, skeptics are worried about how far the regulations can go and its projected negative impacts on the market and most importantly factors of production. Again, such pursuits are seen as an inclination towards nationalization as against de-nationalization of the market economy. In America some economists have described the handling of the GM financial crisis issue as a proclivity towards nationalization. Recall when GM filed for bankruptcy, the government provided more than $50 billion (tax payers money) for its redemption besides taking a stake of 60% ownership of the company and the replacement of its CEO with a government approved one. Coincidentally, further down the road pockets of nationalization has taken place in the country. For example the interstate rail service takeover to form Amtrak and also Airport Security management take over by the federal government after September 11. All these are forms of nationalization that has beneficiation. For example, the recent changes in airport security with regards to whole body scanning of travelers infringe on our privacy and freedom yet it can be effectual in preventing terrorist from getting into flights to cause harm. Should we blame the government for nationalizing the airport security? No. Must we applaud the government for instituting the measure of effective scanning? Yes. What would have happened if the government had not taken over the management of airport security after the September 11, 2001 disaster? In fact, it is quite impossible for a country to exist without any pockets nationalization. In this period of financial failures and global uncertainty, at least some pockets of nationalization even in free-capitalist countries is inevitable. A little nationalization will not kill even though extreme nationalization like what is happening in Venezuela and certain parts of Africa is unacceptable and vicious. Currently, the question that is being debated is whether the domain of nationalization includes turning a private sector indirectly into a public good. For example the allegation currently by some that the health sector is being made a public good with the presumption of the act being synonymous with nationalization. Others believe that government intervention in the health sector may not correct the failing health system. I am of the view that the health sector will only become a public good if only all in America including illegals benefit from it and there is no way to prevent anyone unqualified from benefiting from it. Also there is immense additional cost to be incurred here if checks and balances are not in place. Unfortunately, after much publicized and heated debate in congress, a consensus has still not been reached on the reform proposals. There is an argument of an increased role by government in the sector affecting efficiency in the sector. Another contention is that employers will be burdened with huge healthcare costs. Whatever the healthcare reforms package will entail, it must be judged based on the economic principle of social cost and social benefit and not on the economics of externalities.

Globally, the predilection by some countries for international regulations for banks has been fueled by the recent developments of bad debts at Dubai Bank and also the huge national debts or financial crisis of some European countries with Iceland and Greece at the front. Though, the debt belongs to the individual countries yet it is turning to be a pervasive problem with consequences likely to affect Europe and the rest of the world. The coming of the EU to the aid of Greece will go a long way to reveal the strength of the relationship between the EU countries and the authenticity of the cordiality governing them. Meanwhile, Greece in order to win the approbation of the EU and satisfy the European Stability Pact that enjoins all members to maintain a debt level of 3% of GDP has decided to take some austerity measures including but not limited to VAT increases, freeze on pension funds and working rights limitations, reduction in healthcare benefits. Though this is going to create hardships for the people of Greece with upsurge in social unrest in the coming days, authorities emphasized the measures as being the heady way for the country to deal with its mounting debt and refinance its 17 billion debt bond. In addition to the Stability Pact, the EU may argue that there is too huge a price to pay to remedy Greece from its predicaments. Perhaps, the EU has decided to follow the footsteps of the United States where generally the rescue of states in financial crisis by the federal government is not popular because the tax payer prefers not to bear the cost of a state’s mismanagement. On few occasions the federal government may come to the aid of a state only if there is a justification for that. Sorry to say, EU is not considering the effect their inaction will have on the confidence of the member countries. But the facts are clear. There are a number of EU countries hanging in an imbalance with regards to debts and economic problems. So if the EU cannot extend some minimal level of credit to Greece to help ease the country’s debt burden then it presupposes in future any EU country that finds itself in a similar situation will be allowed to go bankrupt and collapse. In fact, some level of credit should have been extended by the EU to Greece to show to the world the strength of the Union and the care for its members. Indeed, this is a testing time for the EU and the Union’s ability to deal with such problems will go a long way to substantiate the competency of their unity and to brighten the way forward. Perchance any EU intervention to remedy the Greece situation is being categorized as nationalization by the Union.

Finally, it is feared globally that more of such bad debts and financial failures will occur in the near future with repercussions of consumer and investor confidence reduction if nothing is done. Watch out for part 2 of this article which discusses this phobia.

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